1. Reblogged this on Join The Dots Campaign and commented:
    I,m still sitting mouth wide open, omg, it’s taken me right back in time….so i,m still reading, but this must fly round, please share, share, share……….. if this doesn,t wake people up, i don,t know what will , see our previous collation of blogs, comments include a radio interview with Ken Livingstone of the time, or about the time……a couple of minutes, that combined with this, surely no one can anylonger be fooled. The ugly unbelievable is true……..child rape, murder, torture exist & it goes right through our society, top to bottom. Enough good people are awake now, surely to rake this out from every level, including the top. Stand up and be counted or Stand down, i say………..to those with power & influence to change this as quickly as you can. Sheva

  2. Thankyou so much for all of the unearthing, and presenting it just simply & clearly.

  3. Sam said:

    Text version for referencing.

    Private Eye
    20 January, 1988
    Anthony Blunt and the Kincora Cover-up

    The jeers which normally accompany any Parliamentary question from Ken Livingstone, the controversial MP for Brent East, were not in evidence when he asked a supplementary question of the Prime Minister on 13 January. This was because he mentioned the word most Ministers, especially those who have been on duty in Northern Ireland, dread to hear: Kincora.

    The packed House was silent as Livingstone asked about “allegations linking Anthony Blunt with several prominent figures in Northern Ireland who escaped prosecution for their crimes because had a prosecution been brought it would have revealed the immunity granted to Anthony Blunt”.

    In replay, Mrs Thatcher mumbled some cliches regarding prosecutions not being a matter for her, and that the Honourable Member must take any evidence he has to the Director of Public Prosecutions. however, she knows enough about the subject to realise that Ken Livingstone is getting some very sensitive information about Kincora. What must have worried her and her supporters in Northern Ireland most of all was the reference, the first ever of it’s kind, to the associations of the late Sir Anthony Blunt with Northern Ireland.

    At Marlborough and Oxford, Blunt fell in with some Ulstermen who were later to become prominent. Chief among these was Peter Montgomery, the son of a Northern Ireland general. Montgomery shared his passion for art and music, and was to remain one of his closest friends all Blunt’s life. Montgomery, who is very ill, is Deputy Lord Lieutenant of Tyrone; and the visiting book of his big house at Blessingbourne was often graced with the name of Anthony Blunt. Blunt was also a close friend of Louis MacMeice, and visited the latter’s native Belfast with him. Blunt’s former lover, John Gaskin, was once a drummer boy in the 1970s, has written several books on Northern Ireland.

    Blunt later became closely involved with the Orange establishment in Northern Ireland, and particularly with the hyperactive and reckless set of gay people who flourished in the Six Counties throughout the period that they themselves and their friends in the Orange Order were mounting campaigns to “Save Ulster From Sodomy”.

    Especially attractive to this set was the apparently limitless supply of boys of all shapes and sizes. This supply was quite unrivalled anywhere else in the United Kingdom and became legendary in upper-class homosexual circles. It was regarded as a “special treat” to go to Northern Ireland and get yourself invited to one of the “soirees” which would be well attended by not entirely literate or well-attended by not entirely literate or well-adjusted teenage boys. No one ever asked where these boys came from, but some at least were provided through the extremist Orange gang which ran boys’ homes for Belfast Corporation, notably the one called by an Irish royalist folk name, Kincora.

    When Blunt was offered immunity from prosecution in 1964, the immunity did not cover just his treachery. It covered any crime he may have committed, including sodomy, which inNorthern Ireland remained a criminal offence after the Sexual Offences Bill of 1967. At the time he negotiated his immunity, Blunt knew quite enough about the behaviours of certain among the English upper classes and the gentlemen who marched at the head of the Orange parades to guarantee him immunity in hundreds of lifetimes as the negotiator from government and intelligence quickly discovered. He agreed to keep quite in exchange for immunity on all these matters. And when in 1979 he was exposed as a traitor and forced to renounce his knighthood and his honours, he kept this pistol firmly at the head of the authorities. The slightest whiff of concession to the howls for his prosecution or harassment, he made clear, would be to lift the lid off the seamy tank which carried in it far worse pollutions than that carried at Kincora.

    The motive for the Kincora cover-up, which took place in 1980, 1981 and 1982, was not just to save the reputation of a few second-rate politicians in Northern Ireland. It was not even to save the chiefs of intelligence, some of whom, as the Eye revealed recently, were making full use of the Kincora boys. (One senior intelligence officer was convicted almost as soon as he got back from Northern Ireland of importuning in a public lavatory at a London railway station.)

    The chief reason was to protect the very important people who indeed who, as Sir Anthony Blunt knew only too well (and was perfectly prepared to reveal) had been as active in the Northern Ireland “gay scene” as he had, and for the dame basic reason: the supply of boys from local authority home and other similar places who, because of their status in care, were prepared to do anything they were asked.

    As one cynic remarked about a similar scandal and its political consequences:

    “It’s not the red under the bed – it’s the blues in it.”

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